The UAE has emerged as a significant player in shaping U.S. foreign policy, leveraging its lobbying efforts and influence in the Middle East.

A Key Beneficiary of Lobbying in the Middle East

In recent years, the UAE has expanded its influence across the Middle East while playing an active role in U.S. foreign policy decisions. Despite pledging to exit the ongoing conflict in Yemen in 2020, the UAE continues to maintain significant military influence in the region. Alongside other Gulf nations, the UAE normalized relations with Israel through the Abraham Accords, marking a milestone in Middle Eastern diplomacy. Additionally, the UAE remains a key recipient of U.S. military support, purchasing billions of dollars in weapons annually. Culturally, the nation also hosted the 2020 Dubai Expo, a global event that showcased its growing global presence.

Between 2020 and 2021, 25 organizations registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) to represent the UAE’s interests in the U.S. These groups reported over 10,700 interactions with U.S. policymakers and received $64 million for their services.

A well-organized lobbying team based in the U.S. has been instrumental in shaping U.S. policy toward the Middle East. In November 2022, The Washington Post revealed a classified intelligence report detailing the UAE’s extensive efforts—both legal and illegal—to influence U.S. politics in favor of its interests. The report, compiled by the National Intelligence Council, flagged these activities as a national security concern.

Although the full details of the report remain classified, the UAE’s influence operations have been well-documented. While the UAE has long been a U.S. partner on key foreign policy issues, it has employed a variety of strategies—both ethical and otherwise—to expand its sway in Washington. A notable case involved George Nader, a Lebanese-American businessman who admitted to funneling millions of dollars into U.S. elections on behalf of the UAE.

UAE has hired former U.S. military officials as contractors, including individuals who held high-ranking positions such as generals and admirals. Notably, Jims (or James) Mattis, who later became the U.S. Secretary of Defense, advised the UAE military before taking on the role. These individuals were awarded lucrative contracts, raising concerns about potential conflicts of interest—especially when they returned to positions within the U.S. government.

In addition, UAE has spent billions of dollars purchasing U.S. military equipment, making it the third-largest recipient of U.S. weapons in the past five years, behind Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. However, UAE forces operating in Yemen have faced serious accusations of war crimes, including civilian casualties and torture. Even after withdrawing troops from Yemen in 2020, the UAE has continued to support non-state armed groups through training, logistical aid, and financial backing.

The UAE’s involvement in U.S. political and military affairs has become a recognized national security concern. While military cooperation remains a cornerstone of U.S.-UAE relations, the 2020 Abraham Accords further enhanced the UAE’s diplomatic reach. These agreements normalized relations between Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan. While presented as efforts to promote peace in the Middle East, the accords have been criticized for increasing the militarization of U.S. foreign policy in the region rather than reducing it.

So…Where Does UAE Lobbying Money Go?

The UAE has invested heavily in lobbying efforts, with companies registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) reporting a total income of nearly $64.5 million for their work on behalf of UAE clients. While more than 20 firms were involved, just five received the majority of the funds. The top recipients were:

• Akin Gump: $13.5 million
• Brunswick Group: $12.2 million
• The Camstoll Group: $10.5 million
• Teneo Strategy: $7.2 million
• The Harbour Group: $6.6 million

Akin Gump, the top earner, is also one of the biggest contributors to U.S. political campaigns. The firm reported donating nearly $1.1 million—about two-thirds of the $1.65 million total donated by all UAE lobbying firms in 2020 and 2021.

It’s important to note these donations are entirely legal, as no foreign funds were used, complying with Federal Election Commission rules that ban contributions from foreign nationals.

The largest recipient was Terry McAuliffe (D-Va.), who received a $200,000 donation from Terakeet on August 31, 2021. Other prominent Democratic politicians linked to UAE lobbying efforts include Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD).

While most of the contributions favored Democratic candidates, the lobbying activity itself was bipartisan. Over 450 political campaigns from both parties received contributions from firms working for UAE clients.

In many cases, donations were made to lawmakers directly involved in meetings with UAE representatives. For instance, Akin Gump reported contributing $528,461 to the campaigns of 104 members of Congress they had engaged on behalf of UAE clients. One notable example involved Senator Todd Young (R-IN), who met with Akin Gump on April 15, 2021. Just a week later, the firm donated $5,000 to his campaign.

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Despite extensive lobbying efforts by UAE representatives targeting nearly every Congressional office, their main focus has been on key committees. Specifically, lobbyists working for the UAE contacted staff from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee more than 200 times.

One of the most frequently contacted individuals was Lee Zeldin (R-NY), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and co-chair of the House Israel Caucus. Zeldin is a vocal supporter of the Abraham Accords, which established peace between the UAE and Israel. Senior members of political parties and leaders of influential committees have also been primary targets of UAE lobbyists.

The UAE’s lobbying efforts extended beyond Congress to include significant outreach to the media. Reports show that UAE representatives reached out to over 500 media outlets, focusing on major publications such as The New York Times (95 contacts), Forbes (61 contacts), and The Wall Street Journal (43 contacts).

Think tanks were another target, with UAE lobbyists contacting them at least 90 times. Notably, the think tanks contacted most frequently—such as the Middle East Institute, the Atlantic Council, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies—have received millions of dollars in donations from the UAE.